When UMEED spells doom, not hope

throws up more questions than solutions. If Union ministers Kiren Rijiju and Amit Shah are to be taken at face value, the “historic” and “progressive” Bill would benefit poor in the country. A rich claim, coming from a government which has ruthlessly slashed minority welfare schemes and scholarships, never stepped in to stop the mob lynching of Muslims, the banning of Friday prayers in parks and public spaces, permitted genocidal calls against the community and supported the economic boycott of Muslim traders.

Although much has already been written on waqf, what bears repetition is that only well-to-do Muslims can afford to give away their land and property for waqf (charity). The poor of all communities benefit from this largesse.

If a building or plot of land is used as a school, hospital, graveyard, or for any other charitable purpose over the years, it becomes waqf even without deeds. If people have been offering prayers for 50 years on a piece of land, it is waqf. The proposed law, however, does away with ‘waqf by use’, allows the government to decide what is waqf and what is not, and disallows property which is not registered as well as property donated by non-Muslims.

Both Rijiju and Shah claim the new law would come into effect from the date it is notified — it will not be implemented retrospectively. If that is indeed true, then what was for the government to introduce the Bill towards the fag end of the Budget session? (Remember even MPs weren’t given sufficient time to study the Bill and consult experts before moving amendments) Why was it necessary to hold a until 2.00 in the morning?

I had said that the Waqf Bill attacks Muslims now but sets a precedent to target other communities in the future.

It didn’t take long for the RSS to turn its attention to Christians.

The Constitution is the only shield that protects our people from such attacks - and it is… pic.twitter.com/VMLQ22nH6t

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) April 5, 2025

Over the last 10 years, economic policies have been used to , especially Muslims. In budget after budget, allocations towards their welfare — particularly in education — were cut. This was not just a Central government practice; BJP-ruled states mirrored the same approach, making it increasingly difficult for minority communities to overcome educational backwardness.

On the ground, targeted campaigns sought to isolate Muslim traders and shopkeepers. Calls to boycott their businesses were encouraged and amplified, forcing many to shut down. to display names (of owners and often even employees) outside their shops, making them easy targets for discrimination. The administration not only turned a blind eye but, in several cases, actively participated in these campaigns.

The Waqf (Amendment) Bill delivers yet another blow to the Muslim community — not just to students, shopkeepers or the economically disadvantaged, but to the very system that sustains them as a community. This is not merely a legislative change — it is an attack on the economic foundation that, in a multitude of ways, supports Muslims across the country.

Saket Gokhale, TMC spokespersonWe sat till 3 a.m. in the Rajya Sabha discussing the Waqf (Amendment) Bill. For 8 long hours, BJP MPs and ministers gave long speeches on how they and PM Modi care deeply about Muslims and their welfare... And then at 3 a.m., as soon as the Waqf Bill was passed, ALL BJP MPs and ministers got up and loudly chanted “JAI SHRI RAM”. That should tell you all you need to know about the real intention… behind the Waqf Bill and why the ENTIRE Opposition sat all night to vote against it.

If the law is not going to have retrospective effect and will be applicable only to waqf registered in future, most of the corrections promised by ministers and NDA MPs make little sense.

What does make sense — for the ruling dispensation — is that the new law will allow it to pack waqf boards and the Central Waqf Council with ‘yes men’ who will facilitate the takeover of waqf properties over the years. Mosques, graveyards and dargahs, already under the assault of bulldozers, will disappear. Waqf properties on which poor Muslims have historically been allowed to settle and operate their shops and workshops on minimal rent would be ‘developed’ into swanky malls or highrises to extract the ‘full value’ of the land.

During the discussion on the Bill in Parliament, Iqra Hasan, Samajwadi Party MP from Kairana, said on Eid this year, a Muslim widow had called on her. She lived on a waqf property, from which she earned a living. She was anxious to know whether she would lose it if the new law comes into effect. There are lakhs of poor Muslim women who survive because of waqf — they fear they will lose what little they have, Hasan said. “With this Bill, you are not doing any favour to Muslim women, but paving the way to ruin their lives.”

The trust deficit between this government and minority communities has grown in recent years. The intention of the government has been suspect from the very beginning. The Bill was introduced in August 2024 at a time when as many as 144 Opposition MPs had been suspended from Parliament.

All India Muslim Personal Law Board office bearers and other Muslim leaders protest against the Waqf Bill in New Delhi Imran Pratapgarhi, Congress MPहमींं को कातिल कहेगी दुनिया/ हमारा ही कत्लेआम होगा/ हमींं कुएंं खोदते फिरेंंगे/ हमींं पर पानी हराम होगा (We’ll be called murderers when we’re the ones being butchered/ We’ll be the ones digging wells yet we’ll be allowed not a drop) Standing on the hallowed steps of Jama Masjid in 1947, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad said: “O Muslims, where are you going? This is your country. Here lie the graves of your ancestors.” His stirring words made his Muslim brethren put down their bundles and choose to stay. Today, in that very Delhi, Parliament sees the tabling of a bill that will demand from us proof that we belong.

The government ‘graciously’ agreed to refer the Bill to a Joint Parliamentary Committee. The JPC examined 98 lakh submissions in five months, an overwhelming number of which apparently opposed the Bill, and turned down all the amendments proposed by the Opposition MPs, including Muslim MPs.

On Thursday, 3 April, the Bill was tabled in the Rajya Sabha at 11.07 am. Chairman announced he was waiving the requirement of a two-day notice period before initiating the debate. He justified this by saying it had been circulated electronically in the early hours of Thursday on the members’ portal. Amendments were sought by 1.00 pm. When MPs objected and cited another rule which allowed members 24 hours to move amendments, the chairman replied that he had faith in the intellect, quick wit and speed of members in grasping complex documents.

Betrayals! #waqfamendmentbill pic.twitter.com/Z2wwEEz82O

— Satish Acharya (@satishacharya) April 4, 2025

While the Bill is presented as a measure to streamline the management of waqf properties, its potential consequences include further financial marginalisation and economic exclusion. Economic exclusion is not just about financial deprivation — it also restricts access to the opportunities and resources essential for social mobility and empowerment.

Waqf properties, endowed under Islamic law for religious and charitable purposes, have long been a crucial economic resource for Muslims in India. Spanning millions of acres and worth crores of rupees, these assets fund mosques, schools, hospitals and welfare programmes, particularly benefiting the underprivileged. The Waqf Act of 1995, despite its flaws, provided a framework for Muslims to through autonomous boards.

The amendments introduced in the 2025 Bill fundamentally alter this structure, raising serious concerns about the government’s intentions. The Justice Sachar Committee, commissioned in 2006 by the Congress-led UPA government to assess the socio-economic conditions of Indian Muslims, had also recommended waqf reforms. The committee noted that revenues from waqf properties were disproportionately low compared to the vast lands under their management. It estimated that, if managed efficiently, these assets could generate an annual revenue of approximately Rs 12,000 crore. In contrast, current estimates suggest that waqf properties generate only around Rs 200 crore annually.

Properly administered, these properties could provide crucial funding for education, healthcare and other social welfare initiatives. Any disruption to their management threatens to cut off essential lifelines.

Part of the reason for the low revenue generated by waqf properties could also be the economic distress of most of the beneficiaries — a factor which the government does not seem ready to appreciate. Far from being a reformist or a progressive step, the Unified Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency and Development (UMEED) Bill, in its current form, appears to be a calculated attempt to of one of India’s largest minority communities.

Iqra Hasan, MP, Samajwadi PartyBeing a minority woman in this House, I am saying that Muslim women are not getting anything from this Bill; they are just trying to mislead them. This Bill is not to benefit Muslims but to erase them.

While the BJP-led government promotes it as a measure to enhance transparency and efficiency in waqf property management, the Bill has sparked widespread controversy. Muslim organisations and community leaders argue that it is yet another tool to under the guise of reform.

One of the most contentious provisions is the inclusion of non-Muslim members in waqf boards and the Central Waqf Council. Traditionally, these bodies have included only Muslims to ensure decisions align with Islamic principles and the needs of the community. By mandating non-Muslim representation, the Bill undermines this autonomy, allowing external influence over properties meant for Muslim welfare.

Union home minister has insisted that non-Muslims will only be involved in administrative roles, not religious matters. This assurance is patently hollow, as the economic management of waqf properties is inseparable from their religious and charitable purpose. The move opens the door to state overreach, stripping the community of control over its own assets.

Equally alarming is the authority over waqf property disputes shifting from specialised waqf tribunals to district collectors. Previously, these disputes were adjudicated by tribunals well-versed in Islamic law and community practices. Under the new provisions, government-appointed officials — often lacking expertise in waqf matters — to determine whether a property belongs to the waqf or the state.

Given that many waqf properties have incomplete or historical documentation, this change raises serious concerns about potential reclassification of waqf land as government property. The loss of such assets could severely undermine the financial base that sustains Muslim institutions and welfare initiatives across the country. The Sachar Committee report explicitly noted that ‘encroachments by the State, who is the custodian of the Wakf (sic) interests, is common’, citing hundreds of cases where government authorities had unlawfully occupied waqf land.

M.K. Stalin, chief minister, Tamil NaduThe BJP rammed through the anti-minority #WaqfAmendmentBill past midnight, ignoring united Opposition. This brazen move undermines constitutional values and secularism. Tamil Nadu and the DMK will challenge it in the Supreme Court.

Given this reality, how can a district collector — who is, after all, a government official — be trusted to fairly determine property ownership in such disputes?

Another controversial provision is the requirement that only individuals who have “practised Islam” for at least five years can dedicate property to waqf. Critics, including Congress MP Imran Masood, have raised concerns about how the government intends to define a “practicing Muslim” — a vague and subjective criterion that could lead to arbitrary enforcement.

Additionally, the mandatory registration of all waqf properties with district collectors imposes bureaucratic red-tapism that could disproportionately burden smaller, less resourced waqf institutions. While issues like mismanagement and corruption exist, the solution lies in strengthening internal oversight, not stripping the system of its autonomy.

The government’s narrative imagines a nation blind to a decade of policies that target Muslims — from the to the abrogation of . Seen in this light, the Waqf Bill appears less like reform and more like legalised land-grab.

Lok Sabha Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi condemned the Bill as an “attack on the Constitution”, asserting that “the Waqf (Amendment) Bill is a weapon aimed at marginalising Muslims and usurping their personal laws and property rights. This assault by the RSS, BJP and their allies may target Muslims today, but it sets a dangerous precedent that could be used against other communities in the future”.

Rahul Gandhi, Leader of Opposition in the Lok SabhaThis attack on the Constitution by the RSS, BJP and their allies is aimed at Muslims today but sets a precedent to target other communities in the future.

Muslim organisations, including the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, have vowed to , viewing it as yet another step toward reducing Muslims to “second-class citizens”. The economic consequences are severe. As waqf properties are diminished or repurposed, the community’s ability to fund education, healthcare and poverty alleviation will be severely weakened, deepening existing inequalities. In a country that prides itself on diversity, the Bill marks a troubling shift.

Asaduddin Owaisi, president, AIMIMइस सरकार नेे मुसलमानोंं के खिलाफ ऐलान-ए-जंंग कर दिया हैै (This government has declared war on Muslims)

By seizing control of a vital economic resource for Muslims, the BJP-led government seeks to institutionalise financial exclusion under the pretext of reform. The government has given the bill a carefully crafted acronym: UMEED — looking past the befuddling expansion that goes ‘Unified Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency and Development.

What that means is anybody’s guess, but what stands out is the fact that W for Waqf is silent in the abbreviation. ‘Umeed’ translates as ‘hope’ in Hindi, but for Muslims in India, this legislation is the very antithesis of hope. It threatens to dismantle the few remaining economic safeguards that have sustained the community for generations. UMEED is, in fact, a cruel irony—because if this Bill is implemented in its current form, it will extinguish whatever hope Muslims still cling to for a just, inclusive and equitable future.